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Clipmarks | Vietnam Clips
The formula for the perfect website
clipped by: minhdang
Great question, Bengt. I agree that perfect is in the eyes of the browser. What if you deliver content on one site in a number of ways for various preferences?
Bob Bly (bly.com) wrote a book called The Online Copywriters Handbook (McGraw Hill, 2002) and included a section on writing copy to "Fit the Buyers Mood and Intent."
Bly defines various browsing styles along with tips for layout. Heres a selection of Blys advice for reaching browsers with different preferences:
"Artist... text in digestible chunks"
"Writer... list(s) of words" fast downloads
"Explorer... plenty of content"
"Seeker... one-click access to what they want"
For others, see Blys book, which is useful.
Of course, there are other "cornerstones of usability" but Blys approach raises another question: If you design for different browser styles in your attempt to please a broader audience what happens to the concept of "perfect"? In other words, if perfect is possible, is it only possible in the narrowest of niches?
Best,
Howell

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Phased withdrawal = Phased Death
clipped by: diodisegno
clippers remarks: Why cant we make the right calls?
Beware the Lure of Phased Withdrawal
Nixon tried it in Vietnam, once most agreed the war was lost, and it cost 20,000 U.S. lives
Nixon tried it in Vietnam, once most agreed the war was lost, and it cost 20,000 U.S. lives
In his rigidity, Bush sounds eerily like President Lyndon Johnson, who could not acknowledge until too late his Vietnam policy was in shambles. But in the aftermath of the midterm elections, the calls for "phased withdrawal" - coming out of Congress, the Pentagon and the leaky Iraq Study Group - evoke errors of the Nixon years.
In the face of these realities, U.S. officials might have opted to cut losses and bring the troops home. Despite an electoral mandate for peace in the 1968 election, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger embarked on a gradual withdrawal, which took four years and allowed them to continue the attack. While they tarried, another 20,000 Americans were killed and 100,000 wounded, three Asian nations were devastated and some 1 million to 2 million people perished. For all the ink spilled on the subject of Vietnam, our society has never come to terms with this latter phase of the war. How could we allow so many people to die?
There is no single answer. For any nation, defeat is bitter. There was a belligerent commander-in-chief, a national security adviser whose need for power trumped common sense, a covey of bureaucrats too timid to tell us what they knew, an overblown military incapable of renouncing war, a Congress afraid to cut funds, a distractible public easily tricked.
How odd that in our political culture, an official willing to sacrifice lives for a doomed project is deemed more "realistic" than one who objects. George McGovern, former senator and presidential candidate, is rarely asked for advice.
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